Cameron Miranda
Despite a new law designed to punish Moscow's alleged meddling in the 2016 U.S. election, the Trump administration said it would not immediately impose additional sanctions on Russia. This decision sparked concerns among members of Congress, including Democrats and Republicans, who have been urging the administration to use sanctions to address election interference and prevent future meddling. While Trump possesses veto power and could potentially block or delay the bill, doing so would likely provoke a significant backlash and could be overridden by Congress. The political ramifications of sabotaging the bill may be too significant for the administration to consider, but there is speculation that Trump may attempt to sidestep the law or delay its implementation.
| Characteristics | Values |
|---|---|
| Reason for sanctions | To punish Moscow's alleged meddling in the 2016 U.S. election |
| Trump's stance | Trump wanted warmer ties with Moscow and opposed the legislation |
| Congress' stance | Congress voted nearly unanimously to pass the law setting sweeping new sanctions on Moscow |
| Trump's power | Trump has veto power |
| Congress' power | Congress has imposed significant constraints on the president's ability to unilaterally lift sanctions |
| Trump's actions | Trump signed the bill into law despite his statements that it was unconstitutional |
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What You'll Learn
Trump's power to veto
In the United States, the term "veto" refers to the ability of the president to prevent an act passed by Congress from becoming law. While the term "veto" does not appear in the US Constitution, Article I requires that each bill and joint resolution approved by Congress be presented to the president for approval. Once a bill is presented to the president, they have ten days (excluding Sundays) to either sign it into law or veto it by returning it to Congress with a statement of objections. If the president vetoes a bill, Congress can override the veto by passing the law again with a two-thirds majority in both houses.
In the case of the Russian sanctions, President Donald Trump had the power to veto the bill and prevent it from becoming law. Trump's administration had suggested that he might use his veto power, with his Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson, arguing that the US government needs to approach matters such as sanctions with "flexibility". Trump's new director of communications, Anthony Scaramucci, also stated that Trump could veto the sanctions because he believes they are not harsh enough, or due to his admiration of Russian President Vladimir Putin.
However, using the veto would have been a bold move for Trump given the strong bipartisan support for the sanctions in Congress. Indeed, Congress had voted nearly unanimously to pass the sanctions bill, and any veto from Trump would likely have been overridden. Ultimately, Trump reluctantly signed the bill into law in August 2017, despite his opposition to it and his desire for warmer ties with Moscow.
While Trump did not veto the Russian sanctions bill, the power to veto has been used by other US presidents on numerous occasions. For example, President Harding vetoed the Soldiers' Adjusted Compensation Act in 1922, and President Wilson vetoed the Immigration Act of 1917, both of which were overridden by Congress. The pocket veto, a type of veto where the president kills a bill by not signing it when Congress is not in session, has also been used multiple times throughout history.
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Congress's ability to override a veto
In the United States, the president can use the veto power to prevent a bill passed by Congress from becoming law. However, Congress can override the veto by a two-thirds vote of both chambers. If Congress overrides the veto by a two-thirds vote in each house, the bill becomes law without the president's signature.
In the case of the Russian sanctions, President Trump's administration refused to impose additional sanctions on Russia, despite a new law designed to punish Moscow's alleged meddling in the 2016 U.S. election. Trump's secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, argued that the U.S. government needs to approach discussions with Russia and other governments with "flexibility" on matters such as sanctions. Trump's new director of communications, Anthony Scaramucci, also suggested that Trump could veto the new sanctions, not because of his admiration for Russian President Vladimir Putin, but because he may think they are not harsh enough.
Despite the administration's stance, Congress could potentially override Trump's veto. Given the strong bipartisan support for the sanctions bill, it is likely that Congress would have the numbers to override the veto. This would be a significant move, sending a bold message to the president and demonstrating the legislative branch's ability to serve as a "'check'" on the executive branch.
The veto power is an essential tool in the U.S. system of government, which aims to maintain a separation of powers and prevent the misuse or abuse of power by any single branch. The ability of Congress to override a veto further contributes to the system of "checks and balances", ensuring that neither the executive nor legislative branch holds absolute power in the lawmaking process.
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Trump's admiration of Putin
In 2018, the Trump administration refused to impose additional sanctions on Russia, despite a new law designed to punish Moscow's alleged meddling in the 2016 U.S. election. Trump's secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, argued that the U.S. government needs to engage with Russia and other governments with "flexibility" on matters such as sanctions. This decision sparked concerns among members of Congress, who have been pushing for stronger sanctions on Russia and the removal of the White House's ability to lift sanctions unilaterally.
Now, onto the topic of Trump's admiration of Putin.
Trump has been known for his admiration of Russian President Vladimir Putin, with some even calling it a "bromance." This admiration has raised concerns among US intelligence officials, particularly regarding national security and American interests overseas. Trump has praised Putin as a “genius” and “pretty savvy”, and boasted that he could end the Russia-Ukraine conflict in a “day." He has also greenlit Russia to take action against NATO members who, in his view, do not contribute enough financially to the alliance. Trump's stance has been interpreted as a threat to cut off aid to Ukraine if he were to be re-elected, potentially giving Russia a favourable peace deal.
Trump's affinity for Putin was also evident in his acceptance of the Russian leader's denial of meddling in the 2016 U.S. election, despite evidence to the contrary presented by US intelligence agencies and special counsel Robert Mueller. Trump's refusal to criticise Putin for the death of Alexei Navalny, Russia's leading opposition figure, further highlights his admiration. Instead, Trump equated Navalny's death with the criminal prosecutions he himself faces.
Trump's actions, such as hosting Viktor Orbán, a close ally of Putin, at Mar-a-Lago, and his defence of Putin during Russia's aerial assault on Ukraine, have caused concern among experts and politicians. They worry that Trump's potential second term could benefit Moscow and harm American democracy. Trump's comments and actions indicate a pattern of behaviour that suggests a certain level of admiration for Putin, which has influenced his policy decisions and approach to Russia-related issues.
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Trump's denial of Russian collusion
Despite a new law designed to impose additional sanctions on Russia for its alleged meddling in the 2016 U.S. election, the Trump administration stated that it would not immediately impose these sanctions. This decision came despite the near-unanimous support for the sanctions in Congress, with members from both Democratic and Republican parties advocating for their implementation.
In February 2017, The New York Times reported that Paul Manafort, Trump's former campaign chairman, had repeated contacts with senior Russian intelligence officials during the 2016 election campaign. Manafort claimed that he did not knowingly meet with any Russian intelligence officials. However, intercepted communications revealed that Russian officials believed they could use Manafort to influence Trump. Manafort was forced to resign from the Trump campaign amid questions over his business dealings in Ukraine.
Special Counsel Robert Mueller also investigated potential collusion between the Trump campaign and Russia. The Mueller Report, released in March 2019, did not find evidence of direct collusion between Trump and Russia. However, it did detail extensive efforts by the Russian government to interfere in the 2016 U.S. presidential election, including through the use of social media and cyberattacks.
Despite the lack of conclusive evidence directly implicating Trump, the Biden administration confirmed in 2022 that a Russian government agent with close connections to Manafort provided sensitive information on polling and campaign strategy to Russian intelligence services. This revelation contradicted Trump's claims that there was "no collusion" and that he was the victim of a "witch hunt."
Trump's refusal to impose additional sanctions on Russia, despite the existence of a law mandating such actions, raises questions about his motives. Critics have pointed to the ongoing investigation into alleged collusion between Russia and the Trump campaign as a potential reason for his reluctance to implement the sanctions. Trump's administration argued that the existing sanctions were already impacting Russian companies and that foreign governments had abandoned planned purchases from Russia due to the legislation.
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Sanctions as a tool to change Russian behaviour
Sanctions are economic levers used as tools of foreign policy. They are a way to express disapproval of a foreign regime and can be used to dissuade and coerce behaviour. In the case of Russia, sanctions have been used by the West to respond to Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, and in response to the annexation of Crimea and the lack of implementation of the Minsk agreements.
The sanctions against Russia have been unprecedented and far-reaching, targeting the Russian state, its residents, and those aiding the Kremlin from third-party countries. They have included restrictions on the financial sector, the removal of Russia from SWIFT interbank transactions, and new rules on goods and services in strategic sectors of the Russian economy, such as aviation, energy, and shipping. There have also been sanctions on individuals, including travel bans and asset freezes.
The efficacy of sanctions is a matter of debate. While they can be a useful tool to pressure regimes, their inconsistent application and circumvention can limit their effectiveness. For example, while sanctions have reduced Russia's surplus in the current balance of payments and affected ordinary Russian people, they have not led to regime change. Elites have been able to circumvent restrictions through indirect exports and 'back door' channels.
Additionally, the current sanctions policy offers no clear incentives for individuals to change their behaviour. For instance, the UK government refused to allow Abramovich to donate the proceeds of the sale of Chelsea Football Club to victims of the war in Russia and Ukraine. However, in the case of frozen Russian state assets, there are incentives for the Kremlin to change its behaviour, such as stopping aggression towards Kyiv, withdrawing from occupied territories, and agreeing to a global peacekeeping force.
Overall, while sanctions can be a useful tool to change Russian behaviour, they should not be relied upon as the sole measure. They should be complemented by other non-violent possibilities to encourage and facilitate regime behaviour change.
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Frequently asked questions
CAATSA was enacted in 2017 to address election interference and the wars in Ukraine and Syria. It imposes sanctions on Iran, North Korea, and Russia.
CAATSA requires the president to impose new Russia sanctions in relation to sanctions violators and facilitators, human rights abuses, support to Syria, persons engaged in significant transactions with the Russian defense and military sectors, and Russian privatizations characterized by corruption.
Trump has the power to veto the bill on Russian sanctions. However, Congress can overturn his veto with a two-thirds majority in both houses. Given the strong bipartisan support for the bill, it is likely that Congress would have the votes to override his veto.
