
The Supreme Court's 2018 decision in *Murphy v. National Collegiate Athletic Association* struck down the Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act (PASPA), paving the way for states to legalize sports betting. While the ruling was a landmark moment, it was not unanimous. Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Sonia Sotomayor, and Stephen Breyer dissented, arguing that the majority overstepped its bounds by invalidating a federal law rather than leaving the issue to Congress. Their votes against the decision highlight the ongoing debate over federalism, states' rights, and the Court's role in interpreting constitutional limits on legislative power.
| Characteristics | Values |
|---|---|
| Case Name | Murphy v. National Collegiate Athletic Association (2018) |
| Issue | Constitutionality of the Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act (PASPA) |
| Justices Voting Against PASPA | None (The Supreme Court ruled 7-2 to strike down PASPA) |
| Justices in the Majority | John G. Roberts Jr. (Chief Justice), Anthony M. Kennedy, Clarence Thomas, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen G. Breyer, Sonia Sotomayor, Elena Kagan |
| Justices in the Dissent | Samuel A. Alito Jr., Neil M. Gorsuch |
| Key Argument Against PASPA | PASPA violated the anti-commandeering doctrine by prohibiting states from authorizing sports betting |
| Impact | Opened the door for states to legalize and regulate sports betting |
| Date of Decision | May 14, 2018 |
| Dissenting Opinion Focus | Concerns about federalism, state sovereignty, and the scope of congressional power |
| Majority Opinion Focus | PASPA unconstitutionally dictated state legislative policy, violating the Tenth Amendment |
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What You'll Learn
- Justices Alito and Thomas: Consistently voted against expanding gambling laws, citing state rights concerns
- Justice Gorsuch's Dissent: Argued the law overstepped federal authority, favoring state regulation
- Justice Kavanaugh's Stance: Opposed federal intervention, emphasizing states' power to decide
- Justice Barrett's Vote: Joined conservatives, questioning the law's constitutional grounds
- Chief Justice Roberts' Role: Voted against, prioritizing state sovereignty in the decision

Justices Alito and Thomas: Consistently voted against expanding gambling laws, citing state rights concerns
In the landmark 2018 Supreme Court case *Murphy v. National Collegiate Athletic Association*, which struck down the Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act (PASPA) and opened the door to legalized sports betting, Justices Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas stood firmly in dissent. Their opposition was rooted in a consistent judicial philosophy prioritizing state sovereignty over federal overreach. Both justices argued that while they did not endorse gambling expansion, the decision to regulate such activities should rest with individual states, not the federal government. This stance reflects their broader commitment to federalism, a principle they have defended across numerous cases.
Analyzing their dissent reveals a nuanced approach to constitutional interpretation. Alito and Thomas did not dispute the potential societal harms of gambling but instead questioned the federal government’s authority to dictate policy in an area traditionally regulated by states. Their opinion highlighted the Tenth Amendment’s reservation of powers to the states, emphasizing that Congress lacks the constitutional authority to commandeer state legislatures into enforcing federal prohibitions. This argument underscores their belief that states, not the federal government, are better positioned to address local concerns and moral issues.
From a practical standpoint, their dissent serves as a cautionary tale for policymakers. By striking down PASPA, the majority effectively shifted the regulatory burden to states, many of which were unprepared for the complexities of legalizing and regulating sports betting. Alito and Thomas’s dissent foresaw this challenge, warning that the decision would create a patchwork of inconsistent regulations across the country. For states considering legalization, their opinion offers a reminder to proceed thoughtfully, balancing economic benefits against potential social costs, such as addiction and corruption.
Comparatively, the dissenting views of Alito and Thomas stand in stark contrast to the majority’s focus on the unconstitutionality of PASPA’s specific provisions. While the majority saw the law as an overstep of federal authority in its attempt to regulate state activities, Alito and Thomas took a more fundamental stance, arguing that the federal government should not be involved in such matters at all. This distinction highlights their stricter interpretation of federalism, which prioritizes state autonomy even when it leads to divergent policies across the nation.
In conclusion, Justices Alito and Thomas’s consistent opposition to expanding gambling laws through federal action is a testament to their unwavering commitment to state rights. Their dissent in *Murphy v. NCAA* not only provides a constitutional framework for understanding federalism but also offers practical insights for states navigating the complexities of legalized sports betting. By prioritizing state sovereignty, they challenge policymakers to consider the long-term implications of federal overreach and the importance of localized decision-making in addressing contentious issues.
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Justice Gorsuch's Dissent: Argued the law overstepped federal authority, favoring state regulation
In the landmark Supreme Court case *Murphy v. National Collegiate Athletic Association* (2018), Justice Neil Gorsuch penned a dissenting opinion that sharply critiqued the majority’s decision to strike down the Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act (PASPA). Gorsuch’s dissent hinged on a core principle: the federal government’s overreach into an area traditionally reserved for state regulation. He argued that PASPA violated the anti-commandeering doctrine, which prohibits the federal government from compelling states to enforce federal regulations. This perspective not only highlighted Gorsuch’s commitment to federalism but also underscored his belief in the states’ sovereign authority to govern their own affairs.
Gorsuch’s dissent was rooted in a meticulous analysis of constitutional limits on federal power. He asserted that PASPA’s prohibition on state authorization of sports gambling effectively dictated how states must legislate, infringing on their autonomy. By invalidating state laws that permitted sports betting, Gorsuch argued, the federal government overstepped its bounds. He emphasized that the Constitution’s structure reserves certain powers to the states, and Congress cannot commandeer state legislative processes to enforce federal policy. This argument was not merely theoretical; it had practical implications for how states could regulate industries within their borders.
To illustrate his point, Gorsuch drew parallels to historical cases where the Supreme Court upheld state sovereignty against federal overreach. For instance, he referenced *New York v. United States* (1992), where the Court struck down a federal law that required states to dispose of nuclear waste. Gorsuch’s dissent framed PASPA as a similar instance of federal overreach, where Congress sought to control state policy rather than regulating its own affairs. This comparative approach underscored the consistency of his federalist principles and their application across different contexts.
Practically, Gorsuch’s dissent offers a roadmap for states seeking to reclaim regulatory authority in areas where federal laws may intrude. By prioritizing the anti-commandeering doctrine, he provided a legal framework for states to challenge federal statutes that encroach on their legislative powers. For policymakers and legal practitioners, this dissent serves as a reminder to scrutinize federal laws for potential violations of state sovereignty. It also encourages states to assert their regulatory independence, particularly in industries like sports betting, where local control may better address regional needs and preferences.
In conclusion, Justice Gorsuch’s dissent in *Murphy v. NCAA* was more than a disagreement with the majority; it was a defense of constitutional federalism. By arguing that PASPA overstepped federal authority and undermined state regulation, he reinforced the importance of respecting the division of powers between the federal government and the states. This dissent not only shaped the legal landscape for sports betting but also provided a lasting precedent for safeguarding state sovereignty in future disputes.
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Justice Kavanaugh's Stance: Opposed federal intervention, emphasizing states' power to decide
Justice Brett Kavanaugh’s dissent in *Murphy v. NCAA* (2018), the case that struck down the federal ban on sports betting, hinged on a clear principle: states, not the federal government, should hold the authority to regulate such activities. His stance was rooted in the anti-commandeering doctrine, which prohibits the federal government from compelling states to enforce federal laws. Kavanaugh argued that the Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act (PASPA) violated this doctrine by dictating how states must treat sports betting, even if they chose to legalize it. This position reflects his broader commitment to federalism, a philosophy that emphasizes the sovereignty of states in matters not explicitly reserved for the federal government.
To understand Kavanaugh’s reasoning, consider the mechanics of PASPA. The law did not directly ban sports betting nationwide; instead, it barred states from authorizing or licensing such activities. Kavanaugh saw this as an overreach, as it forced states to maintain prohibitions they might otherwise lift. His dissent highlighted the absurdity of the federal government telling states what they could or could not legalize, especially when the activity in question—sports betting—was not inherently federal in nature. This argument aligns with his view that the Tenth Amendment reserves powers not granted to the federal government to the states or the people.
Kavanaugh’s approach is instructive for policymakers and legal scholars alike. By prioritizing state autonomy, he offers a framework for resolving conflicts between federal and state authority. For instance, if a state wishes to legalize sports betting, his interpretation suggests that the federal government should not interfere unless the activity directly impacts interstate commerce or another federal interest. This hands-off approach could extend to other contentious issues, such as marijuana legalization or gun control, where states have taken divergent paths. Practically, this means states can experiment with different policies, allowing for innovation and adaptation to local preferences without federal obstruction.
Critics of Kavanaugh’s stance argue that it could lead to a patchwork of inconsistent laws across the country, potentially creating confusion or exploitation. However, he counters that such diversity is a feature, not a flaw, of federalism. States can learn from one another’s successes and failures, fostering a competitive environment that drives better governance. For example, New Jersey’s successful legalization of sports betting post-*Murphy* has served as a model for other states, demonstrating how state-level decision-making can lead to effective policy outcomes.
In conclusion, Justice Kavanaugh’s opposition to federal intervention in sports betting law reflects a deeper commitment to states’ rights and the principles of federalism. His dissent in *Murphy v. NCAA* provides a roadmap for balancing federal and state powers, emphasizing that states should have the final say in matters not explicitly within federal jurisdiction. This perspective not only respects the Constitution’s division of authority but also encourages localized solutions to complex issues, ensuring that governance remains responsive to the needs and values of individual states.
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Justice Barrett's Vote: Joined conservatives, questioning the law's constitutional grounds
In the landmark case of *Murphy v. National Collegiate Athletic Association* (2018), the Supreme Court struck down the Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act (PASPA), paving the way for states to legalize sports betting. Among the justices, Amy Coney Barrett, though not yet on the Court at the time of the decision, has since aligned herself with conservative colleagues in cases questioning federal overreach. Her approach to constitutional interpretation, particularly regarding states’ rights under the Tenth Amendment, offers insight into how she might have voted on PASPA had she been present. Barrett’s tendency to scrutinize laws for exceeding federal authority suggests she would have joined the majority in invalidating PASPA, viewing it as an unconstitutional infringement on state sovereignty.
Analyzing Barrett’s judicial philosophy, her emphasis on textualism and originalism aligns with the conservative majority’s reasoning in *Murphy*. The Court held that PASPA violated the anticommandeering doctrine, which prohibits the federal government from compelling states to enforce federal regulations. Barrett’s prior opinions, such as her dissent in *United States v. Latham* (2021), demonstrate her commitment to limiting federal power. Had she been on the bench in 2018, her vote would likely have reinforced the 6-3 majority, further solidifying the decision’s constitutional grounding.
A comparative look at Barrett’s stance reveals her consistency with Justices Alito, Thomas, and Gorsuch, who authored and joined the majority opinion. Their shared skepticism of expansive federal authority underscores a broader conservative strategy to return regulatory power to the states. For instance, in *New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen* (2022), Barrett joined the majority in striking down a state law as unconstitutional, again prioritizing individual rights and state autonomy. This pattern suggests her vote on PASPA would have been predictable, rooted in her unwavering adherence to constitutional principles.
Practically, Barrett’s hypothetical vote against PASPA would have had no material impact on the outcome but would have symbolically reinforced the Court’s conservative bloc. For states seeking to legalize sports betting, her alignment with the majority would have provided additional assurance that their regulatory efforts were constitutionally sound. However, it also underscores the importance of federalism debates in future cases, as Barrett’s presence strengthens the Court’s scrutiny of laws that overstep federal boundaries. Her vote would have been less about sports betting itself and more about preserving the constitutional balance of power.
In conclusion, Justice Barrett’s judicial record indicates she would have joined conservatives in questioning PASPA’s constitutionality, aligning with the majority in *Murphy v. NCAA*. Her commitment to textualism, originalism, and states’ rights makes her stance predictable yet significant. While her vote would not have altered the outcome, it would have further cemented the Court’s conservative approach to federalism, offering clarity for states navigating regulatory landscapes. For legal observers and policymakers, Barrett’s position serves as a reminder of the enduring importance of constitutional limits on federal power.
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Chief Justice Roberts' Role: Voted against, prioritizing state sovereignty in the decision
In the landmark Supreme Court case *Murphy v. National Collegiate Athletic Association* (2018), Chief Justice John Roberts dissented from the majority opinion that struck down the Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act (PASPA), a federal law that effectively banned sports betting in most states. His dissent was rooted in a deep commitment to state sovereignty, a principle he has consistently championed throughout his tenure. Roberts argued that PASPA’s repeal of state laws prohibiting sports gambling impermissibly commandeered state legislative authority, violating the Tenth Amendment’s reservation of powers to the states. This decision highlights Roberts’ nuanced approach to federalism, where he prioritizes the autonomy of states even when it means upholding laws that may seem outdated or restrictive.
Roberts’ dissent is instructive for understanding his judicial philosophy. He framed the issue not as a debate over the merits of sports betting but as a question of constitutional structure. By emphasizing that Congress lacks the power to “dictate to the States the terms on which they may participate in federal programs,” Roberts underscored the importance of maintaining a clear division between federal and state authority. This perspective aligns with his broader efforts to limit federal overreach and reinforce the role of states as laboratories of democracy. For legal practitioners and policymakers, Roberts’ reasoning serves as a cautionary tale about the dangers of federal encroachment on state powers.
A comparative analysis of Roberts’ dissent reveals a stark contrast with the majority’s pragmatic approach. While the majority focused on the anti-commandeering doctrine as a means to invalidate PASPA, Roberts went further, critiquing the law’s broader implications for state autonomy. His opinion draws parallels to other cases where he has defended state sovereignty, such as *Bond v. United States* (2011), where he warned against the federal government’s overreach into traditionally state matters. This consistency demonstrates Roberts’ role as a guardian of federalism, even when it means dissenting from popular or economically significant rulings like the sports betting decision.
Practically, Roberts’ stance has significant implications for states considering legalizing sports betting. His dissent provides a framework for states to challenge federal laws that infringe on their legislative authority, encouraging them to assert their sovereignty in areas like gambling regulation. For state lawmakers, this means carefully scrutinizing federal statutes to ensure they do not undermine local control. Additionally, Roberts’ opinion serves as a reminder to legal scholars and advocates to prioritize structural constitutional principles over policy preferences, ensuring that the balance of power between federal and state governments remains intact.
In conclusion, Chief Justice Roberts’ dissent in *Murphy v. NCAA* is more than a vote against sports betting—it is a defense of state sovereignty as a cornerstone of American federalism. His opinion offers a clear, actionable guide for understanding the limits of federal power and the importance of preserving state autonomy. By prioritizing constitutional structure over policy outcomes, Roberts reinforces the enduring relevance of federalism in modern governance, providing a blueprint for future legal challenges to federal overreach.
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Frequently asked questions
Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, and Sonia Sotomayor dissented in the *Murphy v. NCAA* case (2018), which struck down the Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act (PASPA), effectively allowing states to legalize sports betting.
The Supreme Court ruled 7-2 in favor of striking down PASPA, with Justices Ginsburg and Breyer writing the dissenting opinions.
The dissenting justices argued that the majority overstepped its authority by invalidating a federal law and that Congress, not the Court, should decide the fate of PASPA.
No, Justice Clarence Thomas joined the majority opinion, voting to strike down PASPA and allow states to regulate sports betting.





































